Individual and institutional dimensions of affective polarisation: A proposal for an analytical framework

Authors

  • Gonzalo Romero-Martín University of Seville
  • María Ángeles Caraballo-Pou University of Seville
  • Carmen Merchán-Hernández University of Seville

DOI:

https://doi.org/10.22325/fes/res.2024.206

Keywords:

Affective polarisation, multiparty system, partisanship, political speech, political consensus

Abstract

While there is a considerable range of academic literature on affective polarisation regarding the United States, interest in the previously largely ignored European context has multiplied in the last decade. This paper aims to delve into the two main dimensions of affective polarisation. First, the individual dimension refers to the political discourse and the relationship between individuals and political elites. Second, the institutional dimension is related to the irruption of multiparty systems. The results highlight that the atomisation of the political spectrum renders the study of animosity even more complex. Our research leads us to conclude that, despite the advances, it is necessary to carry out an in-depth analysis of affective polarisation, especially into its effects on the quality of institutions. By unleashing confrontations between individuals and parties, affective polarisation results in the postponement of key policies that require broad parliamentary consensus.

Author Biographies

Gonzalo Romero-Martín , University of Seville

Department of Economics and Economic History. University of Seville

María Ángeles Caraballo-Pou , University of Seville

Department of Economics and Economic History. University of Seville

Carmen Merchán-Hernández , University of Seville

Department of Sociology. University of Seville

References

Abramowitz, A. I., & Webster, S. (2016). The rise of negative partisanship and the nationalization of U.S. elections in the 21st century. Electoral Studies, 41, 12-22. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2015.11.001

Areal, J. (2022). ‘Them’ without ‘us’: Negative identities and affective polarization in Brazil. Political Research Exchange, 4(1). https://doi.org/10.1080/2474736X.2022.2117635

Bankert, A., Huddy, L., & Rosema, M. (2016). Measuring Partisanship as a Social Identity in Multi-Party Systems. Political Behavior, 39(1), 103-132. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11109-016-9349-5

Benkler, Y., Faris, R., & Roberts, H. (2018). Epistemic Crisis. In Y. Benkler, R. Faris, & H. Roberts (Eds.), Network Propaganda: Manipulation, Disinformation, and Radicalization in American Politics (pp. 3-44). Oxford University Press. https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190923624.003.0001

Berry, J. M., & Sobieraj, S. (2014). The Outrage Industry. Oxford University Press.

Bettarelli, L., Reiljan, A., & Van Haute, E. (2022). A regional perspective to the study of affective polarization. European Journal of Political Research, 62(2), 645-659. https://doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.12548

Bettarelli, L., & Van Haute, E. (2022). Affective polarization and coalition preferences in times of pandemic. Frontiers in Political Science, 4. https://www.frontiersin.org/articles/10.3389/fpos.2022.945161

Boxell, L., Gentzkow, M., & Shapiro, J. M. (2022). Cross-Country Trends in Affective Polarization. The Review of Economics and Statistics, 1-60. https://doi.org/10.1162/rest_a_01160

Bradley, M., & Chauchard, S. (2022). The Ethnic Origins of Affective Polarization: Statistical Evidence From Cross-National Data. Frontiers in Political Science, 4. https://www.frontiersin.org/articles/10.3389/fpos.2022.920615

Brewer, M. B. (2001). Ingroup identification and intergroup conflict: When does ingroup love become outgroup hate? In R. D. Ashmore, L. Jussim, & D. Wilder (Eds.), Social identity, intergroup conflict, and conflict reduction (pp. 17–41). Oxford University Press.

Brody, R. A., & Page, B. I. (1973). Indifference, alienation and rational decisions. Public Choice, 15(1), 1-17. https://doi.org/10.1007/BF01718840

Broockman, D. E., Kalla, J. L., & Westwood, S. J. (2022). Does Affective Polarization Undermine Democratic Norms or Accountability? Maybe Not. American Journal of Political Science, n/a(n/a). https://doi.org/10.1111/ajps.12719

Brown, D. J., & Lewis, L. M. (1981). Myopic Economic Agents. Econometrica, 49(2), 359-368. https://doi.org/10.2307/1913315

Brundidge, J. (2010). Encountering “Difference” in the Contemporary Public Sphere: The Contribution of the Internet to the Heterogeneity of Political Discussion Networks. Journal of Communication, 60(4), 680-700. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1460-2466.2010.01509.x

Capano, G., & Sandri, G. (2022). The political leadership of Mario Draghi: An historical watershed or an inevitable bump in the road? Contemporary Italian Politics, 14(2), 118-132. https://doi.org/10.1080/23248823.2022.2058263

CEMOP, Centro de Estudios Murciano de Opinión Pública (2021). I Encuesta Nacional de Polarización Política. Primavera 2021. https://www.cemopmurcia.es/estudios/polarizacion-politica/

CEMOP, Centro de Estudios Murciano de Opinión Pública (2022). II Encuesta Nacional de Polarización Política. Primavera 2022. https://www.cemopmurcia.es/estudios/ii-encuesta-nacional-de-polarizacion-politica/

Chambers, J. R., Schlenker, B. R., & Collisson, B. (2013). Ideology and Prejudice: The Role of Value Conflicts. Psychological Science, 24(2), 140-149.

Clark, C. H. (2023). Civic education’s relationship to affective partisan divides later in life. Education, Citizenship and Social Justice, 18(1), 37-58. https://doi.org/10.1177/17461979211041332

Cotta, B., & Domorenok, E. (2022). Catching up with the European Union’s recovery and resilience agenda: Green transition reforms in the Italian National Recovery and Resilience Plan. Contemporary Italian Politics, 14(4), 424-440. https://doi.org/10.1080/23248823.2022.2126925

Curini, L., & Hino, A. (2012). Missing Links in Party-System Polarization: How Institutions and Voters Matter. The Journal of Politics, 74(2), 460-473. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0022381611001721

Dalton, R, McAllister, I & Wattenberg, M. (2000). 'The Consequences of Partisan Dealignment', in Dalton, R.J.; Wattenberg, M.P. (Ed.), Parties without Partisans. Political Change in Advanced Industrial Democracies, Oxford University Press, Oxford, pp. 37-63.

Di Mascio, F., Natalini, A., & Profeti, S. (2022). The Draghi Government put to the Test by the National Recovery and Resilience Plan. Contemporary Italian Politics, 14(4), 402-408. https://doi.org/10.1080/23248823.2022.2123300

Dias, N., & Lelkes, Y. (2022). The Nature of Affective Polarization: Disentangling Policy Disagreement from Partisan Identity. American Journal of Political Science, 66(3), 775-790. https://doi.org/10.1111/ajps.12628

Dinas, E. (2014). Why Does the Apple Fall Far from the Tree? How Early Political Socialization Prompts Parent-Child Dissimilarity. British Journal of Political Science, 44(4), 827-852. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0007123413000033

Druckman, J. N., Klar, S., Krupnikov, Y., Levendusky, M., & Ryan, J. B. (2021). How Affective Polarization Shapes Americans’ Political Beliefs: A Study of Response to the COVID-19 Pandemic. Journal of Experimental Political Science, 8(3), 223-234. https://doi.org/10.1017/XPS.2020.28

Druckman, J. N., Klar, S., Krupnikov, Y., Levendusky, M., & Ryan, J. B. (2022). (Mis)estimating Affective Polarization. The Journal of Politics, 84(2), 1106-1117. https://doi.org/10.1086/715603

Druckman, J. N., & Levendusky, M. S. (2019). What Do We Measure When We Measure Affective Polarization? Public Opinion Quarterly, 83(1), 114-122. https://doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfz003

Fiorina, M. P. (2017). Unstable Majorities. Hoover Press.

Fowler, E. F., Ridout, T. N., & Franz, M. M. (2016). Political Advertising in 2016: The Presidential Election as Outlier?: The Forum, 14(4), 445-469. https://doi.org/10.1515/for-2016-0040

Freidin, E., Moro, R., & Silenzi, M. I. (2022). El estudio de la polarización afectiva: Una mirada metodológica. Revista SAAP: Sociedad Argentina de Análisis Político, 16(1), 37-63.

Garmendia, A., & Riera, P. (2022). Building blocks: online political promiscuity in times of polarization in Spain. Revista Española de Investigaciones Sociológicas (REIS), (178), 61-79. https://doi.org/10.5477/cis/reis.178.61

Garry, J. (2007). Making ‘party identification’ more versatile: Operationalising the concept for the multiparty setting. Electoral Studies, 26(2), 346-358. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2006.07.003

Gidron, N., Adams, J., & Horne, W. (2020). American Affective Polarization in Comparative Perspective (Elements in American Politics). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/9781108914123

Giurca, A., Befort, N., & Taylor, A. (2022). Exploring transformative policy imaginaries for a sustainable Post-COVID society. Journal of Cleaner Production, 344, 131053. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jclepro.2022.131053

Gough, D., Thomas, J., & Oliver, S. (2012). Clarifying differences between review designs and methods. Systematic Reviews, 1(1): 28. https://doi.org/10.1186/2046-4053-1-28

Greene, S. (1999). Understanding Party Identification: A Social Identity Approach. Political Psychology, 20(2), 393-403. https://www.jstor.org/stable/3792082

Harteveld, E. (2021). Fragmented foes: Affective polarization in the multiparty context of the Netherlands. Electoral Studies, 71, 102332. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2021.102332

Harteveld, E., & Wagner, M. (2022). Does affective polarisation increase turnout? Evidence from Germany, The Netherlands and Spain. West European Politics, 46(4), 732-759. https://doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2022.2087395

Helbling, M., & Jungkunz, S. (2020). Social divides in the age of globalization. West European Politics, 43(6), 1187–1210. https://doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2019.1674578

Hernández, E., Anduiza, E., & Rico, G. (2021). Affective polarization and the salience of elections. Electoral Studies, 69, 102203. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2020.102203

Hetherington, M. J., & Rudolph, T. J. (2015). Why Washington Won’t Work: Polarization, Political Trust, and the Governing Crisis. University of Chicago Press. https://press.uchicago.edu/ucp/books/book/chicago/W/bo21516007.html

Huddy, L. (2001). From Social to Political Identity: A Critical Examination of Social Identity Theory. Political Psychology, 22(1), 127-156. https://doi.org/10.1111/0162-895X.00230

Imrohoroğlu, S., & Kitao, S. (2012). Social Security Reforms: Benefit Claiming, Labor Force Participation, and Long-Run Sustainability. American Economic Journal: Macroeconomics, 4(3), 96-127. https://doi.org/10.1257/mac.4.3.96

Iyengar, S., Lelkes, Y., Levendusky, M., Malhotra, N., & Westwood, S. J. (2019). The Origins and Consequences of Affective Polarization in the United States. Annual Review of Political Science, 22(1), 129-146. https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-051117-073034

Iyengar, S., Sood, G., & Lelkes, Y. (2012). Affect, Not Ideology. Public Opinion Quarterly, 76(3), 405–431. https://doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfs038

Iyengar, S., & Westwood, S. J. (2015). Fear and Loathing across Party Lines: New Evidence on Group Polarization. American Journal of Political Science, 59(3), 690-707. https://doi.org/10.1111/ajps.12152

James, T. S. (2021). Assessing the policy effects of political leaders: a layered framework. Policy Studies, 42(5–6), 437–454. https://doi.org/10.1080/01442872.2021.1949090

Johnston, R. (2006). Party identification: Unmoved Mover or Sum of Preferences? Annual Review of Political Science, 9(1), 329-351. https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev.polisci.9.062404.170523

Jungkunz, S. (2021). Political Polarization During the COVID-19 Pandemic. Frontiers in Political Science, 3. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2021.622512

Kalin, M., & Sambanis, N. (2018). How to Think About Social Identity. Annual Review of Political Science, 21(1), 239–257. https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-042016-024408

Kawecki, D. (2022). End of consensus? Ideology, partisan identity, and affective polarization in Finland 2003–2019. Scandinavian Political Studies, 45(4), 478-503. https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-9477.12238

Kekkonen, A., Suuronen, A., Kawecki, D., & Strandberg, K. (2022). Puzzles in affective polarization research: Party attitudes, partisan social distance, and multiple party identification. Frontiers in Political Science, 4. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2022.920567

Kekkonen, A., & Ylä-Anttila, T. (2021). Affective blocs: Understanding affective polarization in multiparty systems. Electoral Studies, 72, 102367. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2021.102367

Kingzette, J., Druckman, J. N., Klar, S., Krupnikov, Y., Levendusky, M., & Ryan, J. B. (2021). How Affective Polarization Undermines Support for Democratic Norms. Public Opinion Quarterly, 85(2), 663-677. https://doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfab029

Klar, S. (2013). Identity and Engagement among Political Independents in America. Political Psychology, 35(4), 577–591. https://doi.org/10.1111/pops.12036

Klar, S., & Krupnikov, Y. (2016). Independent Politics: How American Disdain for Parties Leads to Political Inaction. Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781316471050

Klar, S., Krupnikov, Y., & Ryan, J. B. (2018). Affective Polarization or Partisan Disdain?: Untangling a Dislike for the Opposing Party from a Dislike of Partisanship. Public Opinion Quarterly, 82(2), 379-390. https://doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfy014

Klein, E. (2020). Why We’re Polarized. Simon & Schuster.

Knudsen, E. (2021). Affective Polarization in Multiparty Systems? Comparing Affective Polarization Towards Voters and Parties in Norway and the United States. Scandinavian Political Studies, 44(1), 34-44. https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-9477.12186

Lauka, A., McCoy, J., & Firat, R. B. (2018). Mass Partisan Polarization: Measuring a Relational Concept. American Behavioral Scientist, 62(1), 107–126. https://doi.org/10.1177/0002764218759581

Lelkes, Y., & Westwood, S. J. (2017). The Limits of Partisan Prejudice. The Journal of Politics, 79(2), 485-501. https://doi.org/10.1086/688223

Levendusky, M., & Malhotra, N. (2016). Does Media Coverage of Partisan Polarization Affect Political Attitudes? Political Communication, 33(2), 283-301. https://doi.org/10.1080/10584609.2015.1038455

Madariaga, A. G., & Riera, P. (2022). Territorial Polarisation after Radical Parties’ Breakthrough in Spain. South European Society and Politics, 27(1), 51–73. https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2022.2038943

Maggiotto, M. A., & Piereson, J. E. (1977). Partisan Identification and Electoral Choice: The Hostility Hypothesis. American Journal of Political Science, 21(4), 745-767. https://doi.org/10.2307/2110735

Marangoni, F., & Kreppel, A. (2022). From the ‘yellow-red’ to the technocratic government in the pandemic era. The formation and activity of the Draghi government during its first nine months in charge. Contemporary Italian Politics, 14(2), 133-150. https://doi.org/10.1080/23248823.2022.2051121

Martherus, J. L., Martínez, A. G., Piff, P. K., & Theodoridis, A. G. (2019). Party Animals? Extreme Partisan Polarization and Dehumanization. Political Behavior, 43(2), 517–540. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11109-019-09559-4

Mason, L. (2013). The Rise of Uncivil Agreement: Issue Versus Behavioral Polarization in the American Electorate. American Behavioral Scientist, 57(1), 140-159. https://doi.org/10.1177/0002764212463363

Mayer, S. J. (2017). How negative partisanship affects voting behavior in Europe: Evidence from an analysis of 17 European multi-party systems with proportional voting. Research & Politics, 4(1). https://doi.org/10.1177/2053168016686636

Medeiros, M., & Noël, A. (2014). The Forgotten Side of Partisanship: Negative Party Identification in Four Anglo-American Democracies. Comparative Political Studies, 47(7), 1022-1046. https://doi.org/10.1177/0010414013488560

Miller, A. H., Wattenberg, M. P., & Malanchuk, O. (1986). Schematic Assessments of Presidential Candidates. The American Political Science Review, 80(2), 521-540. https://doi.org/10.2307/1958272

Miller, L. (2020). Polarización en España: Más divididos por ideología e identidad que por políticas públicas. EsadeEcPol Insight, 18, 1-14. https://www.esade.edu/ecpol/es/publicaciones/esdeecpol-insight-polarizacion/

Newell, J. L. (2022). Italy in the Autumn of 2022: A country in mezzo al guado. Contemporary Italian Politics, 14(4), 397-401. https://doi.org/10.1080/23248823.2022.2132588

Nicol, A. A. M., & Pexman, P. M. (2003). Displaying your findings: A practical guide for creating figures, posters, and presentations. American Psychological Association.

Niemi, R. G., & Jennings, M. K. (1991). Issues and Inheritance in the Formation of Party Identification. American Journal of Political Science, 35(4), 970-988. https://doi.org/10.2307/2111502

Novella-García, C., & Cloquell-Lozano, A. (2022). Falta de consenso e inestabilidad educativa en España. Revista complutense de educación, 33(3), 521-529. https://doi.org/10.5209/rced.74525

Ondercin, H. L., & Lizotte, M. K. (2021). You’ve Lost That Loving Feeling: How Gender Shapes Affective Polarization. American Politics Research, 49(3), 282-292. https://doi.org/10.1177/1532673X20972103

Padró-Solanet, A., & Balcells, J. (2022). Media Diet and Polarisation: Evidence from Spain. South European Society and Politics, 27(1), 75–95. https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2022.2046400

Pickering, C., & Byrne, J. (2014). The benefits of publishing systematic quantitative literature reviews for PhD candidates and other early-career researchers. Higher Education Research & Development, 33(3), 534-548. https://doi.org/10.1080/07294360.2013.841651

Pressman, S. (2004). What Is Wrong with Public Choice. Journal of Post Keynesian Economics, 27(1), 3-18. https://www.jstor.org/stable/4538907

Reiljan, A. (2020). ‘Fear and loathing across party lines’ (also) in Europe: Affective polarisation in European party systems. European Journal of Political Research, 59(2), 376-396. https://doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.12351

Renström, E. A., Bäck, H., & Carroll, R. (2021). Intergroup threat and affective polarization in a multi-party system. Journal of Social and Political Psychology, 9(2), 553–576. https://doi.org/10.5964/jspp.7539

Ridout, T. N., Franklin Fowler, E., Franz, M. M., & Goldstein, K. (2018). The Long-Term and Geographically Constrained Effects of Campaign Advertising on Political Polarization and Sorting. American Politics Research, 46(1), 3-25. https://doi.org/10.1177/1532673X17721479

Rodon, T. (2022). Affective and Territorial Polarisation: The Impact on Vote Choice in Spain. South European Society and Politics, 27(1), 147–169. https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2022.2044235

Rodríguez, I., Santamaría, D., & Miller, L. (2022). Electoral Competition and Partisan Affective Polarisation in Spain. South European Society and Politics, 27(1), 27–50. https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2022.2038492

Rogowski, J. C., & Sutherland, J. L. (2016). How Ideology Fuels Affective Polarization. Political Behavior, 38(2), 485-508. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11109-015-9323-7

Romero-Martín, G., Caraballo-Pou, M.Á. and Merchán-Hernández, C. (2023). From affective polarization to fruitful politics: a new public leadership inspired by the UN´s 2030 Agenda. International Journal of Public Leadership, 19(1), 81-93. https://doi.org/10.1108/IJPL-10-2022-0053

Rougier, N. P., Droettboom, M., & Bourne, P. E. (2014). Ten Simple Rules for Better Figures. PLoS Computational Biology, 10(9), e1003833. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pcbi.1003833

Santoro, E., & Broockman, D. E. (2022). The promise and pitfalls of cross-partisan conversations for reducing affective polarization: Evidence from randomized experiments. Science Advances, 8(25). https://doi.org/10.1126/sciadv.abn5515

Serani, D. (2022). In-Party Like, Out-Party Dislike and Propensity to Vote in Spain. South European Society and Politics, 27(1), 125–146. https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2022.2047541

Sniderman, P. M., & Stiglitz, E. H. (2012). The Reputational Premium: A Theory of Party Identification and Policy Reasoning. Princeton University Press. https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt7s54x

Sood, G., & Iyengar, S. (2016). Coming to Dislike Your Opponents: The Polarizing Impact of Political Campaigns. SSRN Electronic Journal. https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2840225

Stephan, W. G., & Stephan, C. W. (2017). Intergroup Threat Theory. In The International Encyclopedia of Intercultural Communication (pp. 1-12). John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. https://doi.org/10.1002/9781118783665.ieicc0162

Suri, H. (2013). Towards Methodologically Inclusive Research Syntheses: Expanding possibilities. Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203383193

Taddeo, G., de-Frutos-Torres, B., & Alvarado, M. C. (2022). Creators and spectators facing online information disorder. Effects of digital content production on information skills. Comunicar, 30(72), 9–20. https://doi.org/10.3916/c72-2022-01

Tajfel, H., & Turner, J. (1979). An integrative theory of intergroup conflict. In W. G. Austin & S. Worchel (Ed.), The social psychology of intergroup relations (pp. 33–47). Monterey, CA, USA: Brooks Cole.

Torcal, M., & Carty, E. (2022). Partisan Sentiments and Political Trust: A Longitudinal Study of Spain. South European Society and Politics, 27(1), 171–196. https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2022.2047555

Torcal, M., & Comellas, J. M. (2022). Affective Polarisation in Times of Political Instability and Conflict. Spain from a Comparative Perspective. South European Society and Politics, 27(1), 1–26. https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2022.2044236

Torfing, J., & Sørensen, E. (2019). Interactive Political Leadership in Theory and Practice: How Elected Politicians May Benefit from Co-Creating Public Value Outcomes. Administrative Sciences, 9(3), 51. https://doi.org/10.3390/admsci9030051

Wagner, M. (2021). Affective polarization in multiparty systems. Electoral Studies, 69, 102199. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2020.102199

Ward, D. G., & Tavits, M. (2019). How partisan affect shapes citizens’ perception of the political world. Electoral Studies, 60, 102045. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2019.04.009

Westwood, S. J., Iyengar, S., Walgrave, S., Leonisio, R., Miller, L., & Strijbis, O. (2018). The tie that divides: Cross-national evidence of the primacy of partyism. European Journal of Political Research, 57(2), 333-354. https://doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.12228

Winkler, H. (2019). The effect of income inequality on political polarization: Evidence from European regions, 2002–2014. Economics & Politics, 31(2), 137-162. https://doi.org/10.1111/ecpo.12129

Yang, E. C. L., Khoo-Lattimore, C., & Arcodia, C. (2017). A systematic literature review of risk and gender research in tourism. Tourism Management, 58, 89-100. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.tourman.2016.10.011

Yarchi, M., Baden, C., & Kligler-Vilenchik, N. (2021). Political Polarization on the Digital Sphere: A Cross-platform, Over-time Analysis of Interactional, Positional, and Affective Polarization on Social Media. Political Communication, 38(1-2), 98-139. https://doi.org/10.1080/10584609.2020.1785067

Published

2024-01-09

How to Cite

Romero-Martín, G., Caraballo-Pou, M. Ángeles, & Merchán-Hernández, C. (2024). Individual and institutional dimensions of affective polarisation: A proposal for an analytical framework. Spanish Journal of Sociology, 33(1), a206. https://doi.org/10.22325/fes/res.2024.206